Thursday, January 29, 2004

PC Police at College

A common complaint from conservative-libertarian folks like myself, but a true one nonetheless.

For the past year I’ve followed the case of the "token conservative" who was kicked off the Miami Student, the student newspaper of Miami University – a fairly small and exclusive school in Oxford, Ohio. Little over a year ago – on Jan. 17, 2003 – the student, Aaron Sanders, published a column entitled "Hold MU Professors Accountable." He charged MU professors not just with politicizing the classroom environment but with adopting pedagogical techniques that are inappropriate for a healthy learning environment. He later recounted for The Washington Times, "I mentioned one class where a professor of French surprised the class by replacing her usual teaching with the showing of a film, ‘Ridicule.’ The film opens with a man casually unzipping his pants, exposing himself for all to see. After a lengthy close-up of his genitals, the man urinates on another man’s head. Beyond questioning the pedagogical value of this film to a French class, I argued that if students are going to be subjected to content such as this, the professor should at least warn her students that the film contains images that may deeply offend the sensibilities of many students."

Sanders added that the chair of this professor’s department also engaged in such antics and "justified that material as part of the department’s ‘commitment to cultural diversity.’"

The entire article can be read here.

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Wednesday, January 28, 2004

Some Familial Newcomers

Newcomers to blogdom, that is. You'll notice three new links to the left, all of them under the "Friends Outside of Blogdom" heading. They are:

Katie's Blog--the blog of my beautiful and intelligent wife.

Dawn Lippman--the blog of my charming and intelligent sister-in-law

A Nevsky--the blog of my Orthodox and intelligent brother-in-law, Erich Lippman

Make them feel welcome.

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Wilson at it Again

In the recent "special edition" Credenda/Agenda where Douglas Wilson gives his take on the New Perspective on Paul, he gives what I find to be a very convincing critique of those who claim that the New Testament emphasizes corporate realities, not the individual's standing before God. (Some NPP folks claim this). In the process of making his point, Wilson proposes a "hypothetical" that also functions (on purpose, obviously) as a quick critique of Arminianism:

To change the illustration, suppose a school of theology arose which maintained that when God said, Jacob have I loved, but Esau I have hated, He only meant that He was rejecting the corporate nation of Edom. Suppose further it was pointed out that this citation comes from Malachi, where the prophet is contextually talking about the nation of Edom. And further, suppose that this corporate emphasis is supposed to preclude an emphasis on individuals.

This is like saying that the airliner crashed into the side of a mountain and was consumed in a giant fireball. This is the emphasis we ought to have. We should not shift our emphasis to say that passengers were therefore killed. It was the airplane that crashed, after all, and not the passengers. Geez Louise. There is a basic problem here.

But of course, pietistic individualists are no better. They have hundreds of passengers smacking the side of the mountain, and no airplane. Basic questions arise here also. How did they get up there?


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Tuesday, January 27, 2004

A Title Worthy of a 17th Century Puritan Tract: Puritanism Considered, Old Middle and New; Or, How to Wage the Conservative Fight Against Same-Sex Mar

Okay, so the legal commentators are all still spinning over the decision by the Massachussetts Supreme Court last month to allow same-sex marriages in the former stomping ground of Puritans. There seems--from what I can tell--to be a general consensus regarding the implications of this decision for the rest of the country. The relevant bit of the Constitution in this case seems to be Article IV, Section 1, which reads as follows:

Full faith and credit shall be given in each state to the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other state. And the Congress may by general laws prescribe the manner in which such acts, records, and proceedings shall be proved, and the effect thereof.

So, see, if same-sex couples go to the old Massuchussetts Bay Colony to get hitched, then all 49 of the other states would be required to honor that marriage. South Carolina will have to recognize the couple as married, since the Massachusetts recognizes them as married.

The connection between Massachussetts and Purtianism is, it so happens, rather interesting. First of all, it has to be said that the Puritans were in reality a quite diverse group of folks, and most of their modern rapsheet is a pile of lies and slanders. The actual demeanor of most Puritans was quite jovial and worldly (in the good sense), which is precisely the opposite of their reputation. C.S. Lewis has Uncle Screwtape comment that one of the greatest works "our father" [i.e. the Devil for Screwtape] has pulled off in this modern age is the complete debasement of the word 'puritan.'

Still, it is somewhat inescapable that the New England Puritans tended to be the wackier members of the herd. These tended to be the more rigid separatists, many of whom had failed to make a go of it not only in the Church of England but in Holland as well. So it might be fair to say that priorities in 17th century Massachussetts were sometimes a bit upside-down, no matter what Puritans elsewhere in the world were like. Purity at all costs, and a willingness to make our vision everyone's vision, etc.--these elements of today's common thinking about the Puritans is somewhat accurate, at least as far as the New England variety was concerned.

New England Puritanism faded away by the early 19th century, but this "puritanical" spirit remained with us, especially in New England. New Englanders didn't lose thier obsession with collective purity when they made the tragic switch from Calvinism to Unitarianism; they just transferred the location of the obsession from the church to the nation-state. As the ecclesiastical institution (the Church) was reduced under Unitarianism to little more than a social club intended to reinforce the latest romanticism, the civil institution (the guv'ment) grew into the new primary source of change and reform.

And so we had foisted upon us those two nasty 19th century agents of centralization and increased government power--manifest destiny and abolitionism. We needed a strong government to enable us to take over the entire continent and to help us purge the great remaining evil (slavery, or perhaps just the South itself) from our midst. Both of these sentiments were dominant in New England (though manifest destiny certainly found support in the South as well).

In those days, of course, the Constitution was an inconvenience to the imperialists. It has all those pesky limitations in it. Plus, those stubborn courts were always refusing to let the New Englanders do what they were sure needed to be done. Interestingly, the "full faith and credit" clause played an enormous role in frustrating our northeastern brethren in those days. The "fugitive slave law," upheld by Taney's Supreme Court, required all northern states (even states that had outlawed slavery) to return any runaway slaves to their masters. And so it was that North Carolina and Georgia exercised some brief control over Massachussetts and Connecticut. But this order was not to last, and the War Between the States turned it all around and gave the New England post-Puritans what they had been wanting: a "pure" nation purged of the evils of slavery and united from sea to shining sea.

Today, we don't have fugitive slave laws, but we are soon going to have "Homosexual Marraige" laws. And these, presumably, will be enforced upon all 50 states in much the same way that the Fugitive Slave Law once was--all shall have to comply out of "full faith and credit." The puritans of New England are still getting their way, after all these years.

What is really interesting, though, is how unjust the "full faith and credit" clause seems upon reflection. It unjustly required northerners to return slaves to their owners in the 19th century, and in our century it will unjustly require Bible-belters to support with their tax dollars marriages with which they do not agree.

But it cannot be denied that this clause is in the Constitution. I absolutely think that Justice Taney's Court was correct when they applied it to slaves in the 19th century, and Rehnquist's Court would be correct to apply it to same-sex marriages today. We strict contructionists cannot switch allegiances when the Constitution says something we don't like. So let it be said clearly: on Constitutional grounds, the full faith and credit policy is clearly justified, because it is contained explicitly in the Constitution itself.

But the Constiution is not the ultimate authority in the world. It is not a divine document. Neither Madison nor Hamilton played a very good Moses. Paleo-conservatives like myself think our country would benefit greatly if we returned to governing in accordance with the Constitution, but that's not the same thing as saying that the Constitution is perfect. (Weirdly, this is the opposite of what people of "lefter" persuasions do with the Constitution. The "living document" crowd breathlessly sings its praises as though it is the greatest political accomplishment in the history of mankind, and as though its ratification was attended by cherubim and seraphim. But then they govern as though they've never actually read it. For people like me, it is a flawed document that we would greatly benefit from following.) So what do we make of that darn "full faith and credit clause?" I would like to suggest that it should be seen as just one more piece of evidence that the anti-federalists were, in fact, correct. The Constitution, as it was originally written, is a flawed document that contains ample loopholes for a return to tyranny.

Sure, we would have more genuine liberty and cultural vitality if the government were scaled back to the limits imposed upon it by the Constitution. But we would have even more liberty if we peeled off even a few extra layers and returned to the Articles of Confederation.

But the entire problem doesn't lie with the flawed wording of the Constitution itself. We cannot neglect the role fragmentation has played in all of this. Despite the blasphemous Pledge of Allegiance which says we are indivisible, and despite Lincoln's best efforts to actually make us so, the fact remains that the United States today is more fractured than ever. We are no longer a melting pot of cultures, but rather a holding cell for all the different subgroups that want to control the process. And some of these groups are getting restless, or at least they will before long.

So this is the other flaw with our glorious Constitution, in addition to its aforementioned verbal loopholes that are easily made to support tyranny. Even if it's words were perfectly expressed, those words themselves still flow out of a late 18th century European optimism that fades away in the face of the social fragmentation of the 20th century and beyond. The Constitution ultimately was written by men who were united by western, Christian culture. These men did not foresee the subcultural kaleidescope that has exploded today. Provisions like a "full faith and credit" clause only work if all the individual states are truly operating under similar fundamental assumptions about the role of government and the nature and definitions of basic social institutions (like, say, marriage). But they aren't, and so it doesn't.

In the 1850s, many saw slavery as a horrendous evil that should be opposed at all costs. Others saw it as a positive good, the cornerstone of all civilizations. And many fell somewhere in between. This allowed us the first glimpse of what the "full faith and credit" clause can do. Alabama defined a slave as property, so Illinois had to honor that law no matter how much the Illini disagreed. Everyone knows that I'm on the South's side in the whole War Between the States thing, speaking generally. But I do believe that the imposition of the Fugitive Slave Law upon northern states was an unjust situation. Yet it was preciesly what the Constitution demanded.

And so it will be when same-sex marriages are foisted upon us from sea to shining sea, from Virginia to California, from Minnesota to Louisiania. This will all happen because one state has decided to pull a switch on traditional notions of marriage. These new marriages will be forced upon everyone, and the Constitution will demand that this be so.

What will be interesting to see is how conservatives in the various states argue against this when it comes to their borders. Will they vainly appeal to the Constitution, which is actually against them? Or will they instead admit that they disagree with the Constitution on this point, and argue on the basis of natural/divine law instead? The problem with this second option is the anti-revolutionary spirit of genuine conservatism. If the Constitution really supports full faith and credit, and if the Constitution really is the law of the land, then as long as the Constitution stays the same, we generally have only two conservative options: obey the law, or disobey but accept the punishment. We don't break the law and go hide in the mountains to build support for our revolution, nor do we break the law and then hope for a jury nullification at trial. We simply admit that we broke the law, and take the punishment that the state sees fit to give. If people can break the societal law and get away with it whenever it happens to contradict their understanding of higher/natural law, then there really is no societal law. Obviously, a just society should always strive to line its laws up with God's laws, but the fact remains that this will always be an imperfect attempt. And those who disagree with the law have every right to argue for reform, but as long as it is the law they must submit or accept the punishment for lack of submission. (There are extreme exceptions to this, perhaps, but surely same-sex marriages isn't one of them.)

So, what option is left for conservatives who want to oppose same-sex marriages in their state? Clearly the Constitution itself must be changed. This is in fact what many conservatives-of-sorts are advocating when they propose a constitutional amendment that defines marriage as one man, one woman. No! This "solution" is just short-sighted reactionism, and it is worse than the problem. The answer is not to change the Constitution so that the federal government will impose our vision of marriage on everyone (including those in Massachussetts). This is, among other things, a violation of the Golden Rule. The states need more independence from federal intervention, as any genuine conservatism must affirm. A constitutional amendment defining marriage along traditional lines and forced upon everyone in the country whether they like it or not is a definite step in the wrong direction.

So what is left for conservatives to do? The Constitution must indeed be changed, but the change must be a negative one. We do not need an amendment that adds a traditional definition of marriage to the Constitution. Instead, the only amendment that will do is one that repeals the full faith and credit clause of the original Constitution. Well, that may be overboard (see Charle's first four comments below), but at least give Article IV Section I a serious rewording. With this clause removed or reworked the Courts would presumably have no Constitutional grounds for forcing Tennessee to accept Massuchessetts marriages. (This doesn't mean that leftist judges won't still find a way to pull it off, of course, but we can only consider one problem at a time! If we're talking about all the Constitutional problems that need resolving, then we could be here a while. Since you asked, we should also repeal or severely reword the governmental power of "eminent domain," we should repeal the 13th and 14th Amendments and then reinstitute them in a drastically reworked form, we should repeal the direct election of senators, and we should go back to having the vice president be whoever got the second-most electoral votes in the election. Oh, and we should also do whatever we must to scale back "judicial supremacy" and "judicial review" as it is currently conceived, though those things are not actually in the Constitution anyway. See, we can't do everything at once!)

The problem is that so many conservatives have calcified with their finger on the pro-Constitution button, as though everything would be dandy if only those activist judges would stop misinterpreting the Constitution. But in this particular battle against modern state encroachment into the decentralized (i.e. free) life, the Constitution is on "their" side, not ours. So we must change the Constitution, and we must say so openly and without apology.

Of course, pulling this off would be incredibly difficult. But the only other option is secession, and that clearly isn't an option (nor would it really be a "proportional" response to the problem of same-sex marriages).

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Monday, January 26, 2004

The "It's a Small World" Post for the Week

Okay, so Aaron Armitage over at Calvinist Libertarians today put up a very brief post called "A Two-Pronged Argument Against Government Schools". It consists of two links, labelled "Prong 1" and "Prong 2." Simple, no?

Prong 1 is my own contentious post of a few days ago. Thanks, Aaron, for the kind recognition!

Prong 2 is a link to an article in the Atlanta Journal-Constitution by a 22-year old black Rhodes candidate who is unable to find employment in the Atlanta area in any of the government schools. You can read the article by following the link above if you want to know why this seems to be the case, or don't. What really fascinates me is that the author, Marquis Harris, says that he is a recent graduate (May 2003) of "a respectable liberal arts college in Kentucky." Hmm, I think to myself. Seriously, there are plenty of such colleges in Kentucky, but I googled it anyway, and guess what? (Cue soap-opera organ music) He went to Asbury College!

Now what, I ask you, are the odds of that?

(Incidentally, this makes three Asburians now to show up on my blog to argue against government schools: myself, Mr. Harris, and a graduate from Asbury Seminary that I linked to back in November here. This is particularly odd to me, since Asbury doesn't have any real thing against government schools, or at least I did not pick up on any such thing when I was there.)

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Wednesday, January 21, 2004

Stirring the Brew of Controversy Some More: Government Schools

Well, this has come up by way of illustration and parentheses, but I haven't given it its own topic directly. So here goes.

This time I won't just present a formulaic argument and then defend it premise by premise. Instead, I'll lay out some basic "philosophical/theological data" for our consideration. My view, as a Christian, is that these data must be accomodated if we are to have a truly Christian notion of education.

(1) Parents have an obligation under God to 'educate' their children, to "bring them up in the nurture and admonition of the Lord."

(2) Christ is the Lord of all knowledge and truth, and everything in the universe centers around Him.

(3) The Golden Rule

Earlier when we went around a couple of times on this, I used Doug Wilson's analogy of government schools to government newspapers. JMac, good newspaper man that he is, bit the bullet and admitted that a government newspaper would anger him. But he thinks there is a difference between the government running something like a newspaper and it running something like a default-mandatory school for everyone between the ages of 5 and 16.

But what would this difference be? Appealing to the Constitution is misguided here, for two reasons.

1. I am actually arguing about what the government should do according to Scripture, not what the Constitution says it should do. If you showed me a place in the Constitution where it was explicitly stated that the government should build schools, I would nod and say the Constitution is wrong. The Constitution does not have ultimate authority over the way government should behave. What's more, of course I am still a (con)federalist who believes in states' rights. So, yes, under the system we have, I freely grant that the individual states have the constitutional authority to administer education to their people. I don't think they should be forced to stop doing so by the federal government, or the Supreme Court, or whoever. But under the Constitution the states also have the authority to outlaw coffee, if they want. I think that would be stupid and I would argue against it in whatever state I found myself to be living in. So it is with government-run schools. I think they are a bad idea, and that the state I'm living in should choose not to have them.

2. The Constitution, in fact, is with me on this one anyway, at least on my reading. Remember, the Constitution was ratified and in effect for about two years before the Bill of Rights was added. So did people not have freedom of the press during those two years? Of course they did, the whole reason the BoR were added was to reiterate as clearly as possible the rights that the people and the states already had. The Constitution nowhere tells the feds they have the authority to pass laws governing newspapers, so obviously they do not have that authority. The Constitution has its own "regulative principle"--whatever is not granted to the feds is forbidden. So, freedom of the press, freedom of association, freedom to roll over in bed, etc.--these are all guaranteed by the Constitution from the get-go. Why? Simply because the Constitution never mentions them!

So why the Bill of Rights, then? Because some of the anti-federalists were nervous nellies about the new Constitution, and they thought that the government would quickly overstep its bounds unless certain rights were written explicitly into its pages. The right to free speech and to bear arms already existed, but the BoR would make it really clear, just so there could be no mistake. Of course, some people correctly predicted what the results of this move would be--people would think that whatever wasn't in the BoR was not protected. So now we look in the Constitution and we see freedom of religion but we don't see freedom of education (or not to educate), so we conclude that freedom of education doesn't exist, that the government can do whatever it wants regarding education because education isn't mentioned. But this is completely backwards!

So, as I see it, education ought to be just as free as the press on purely Constitutional grounds. Pretend there is no Bill of Rights and you can see how the argument works. The Constitution nowhere gives the feds the authority to mess around with either presses or schools, and so they have to simply "butt out" of both.

(And, parenthetically (literally, as indicated by the parentheses that bind this paragraph), the individual state constitutions don't give the state governments the authority to get involved in education (or the press), either.)

So, even if the Constitution were against me, I wouldn't care. But it's not anyway, as I see things.

So back to the connection between newspapers and schools. The similarity strikes me as quite deep. Both institutions are concerned with the "flow of information." Both require "editorializing" on the part of their officers as to how the information is selected and organized for presentation. (In schools we call these "editors" teachers, while with newspapers we call them, well, editors).

"Objectivity" is of course something newspapers strive to achieve, but objectivity is a slippery thing. Nobody is truly objective. We all have biases, presuppositions, and dispositions. These are good and necessary things--without them how would we understand the world we live in? How would we make sense of anything if we did not have any "internal" way of organizing the vast amount of information that bombards us every day? But the fact remains that true neutrality is not an option--everybody is spinning.

And it is here that a noticeable difference arises between newspapers and schools. Because while both institutions control the selection and presentation of information, schools do something else that has an even greater impact upon those under their influence. Schools give grades. Schools test how well their students are assimilating the information that has been presented to them. Even more than simple testing, though, schools are the primary determiner of what "course" a person's life takes. If you want to advance to college or beyond, you must achieve a certain level of proficiency in the government school (even private schools and homeschoolers are often forced to conform their curricula to that of the government schools, if they want their students' proficiency to be recognized by the state). But even more than a student's career advancement in the game of life, the schools we go to when we are young play an enormous role in shaping our very attitudes and perceptions about reality. Whether I go to Harvard or become a mechanic right out of high school, there are certain attitudes, dispositions, etc. that I have almost certainly learned.

Newspapers can report in their own special way (and they all do, it can't be helped), and it may very well have no tangible effects. But a school greatly effects its students in tangible ways.

This difference, it seems to me, provides a sort of a fortiori argument against government involvement in the education process. If we are all so appalled at the thought of government controlling newspapers, then how much more should we be appalled at the thought of it controlling the schools our young ones attend! Because, frankly, the flow of information that takes place through a newspaper pales in comparison to the flow of information that takes place in a school.

There is a reason why the totalitarians of the 20th century (Hitler, Stalin, etc.) were unanimous in their endorsement of state-run education. Because if you can control the way the children are raised to think, then what greater power can you have? I don't need to take over the newspaper if I can control the schools--in twenty years I'll have compliant graduates from my schools running the newspapers.

Yet in this country we have government-controlled schools. The government approves the textbooks, certifies the teachers, mandates who must go and for how long, etc.

It will do no good to argue that our schools are actually quite benevolent, so what's the fuss. That American schools aren't trying to brainwash anyone, so why don't I just calm down. Such a response would be naive; there doesn't need to be deliberate brainwashing for indoctrination to take place. Children, in the most malleable years of their lives, are forced to sit under the tutelage of the school system for eight hours a day, five days a week, for 13 years. Think about it.

But such an argument is incredibly unsatisfactory for another reason as well. We're supposed to be Americans here, right? We fought the British because they taxed us without asking first, for crying out loud! Now we're supposed to just be "content" with a government that teaches our children every day because so far nothing horrendously evil has come of this? Our kids aren't--in general--growing up to be the Hitler Youth, so we think it's all fine and dandy. But what in principle would prevent the government from deliberately trying to turn our children into good little members of the Reich? Nothing is to prevent it, because we've already handed the kids over to do with as they please.

So, even if I granted that our current school system is totally benign, this would not give me comfort. Systems can go from benign to oppressive in a hurry, which is why freedom-loving citizens have to guard against giving the system too much power in the first place.

But, of course, I don't really think the system as it currently sits is truly all that "benign" anyway. Because, as already said, everyone has biases and presuppositions which color the way they "spin" the information that is taught and tested.

But it goes deeper than this. The American government school system is essentially an agnostic institution, which brings it into direct conflict with data (1) and (2) at the top of this here essay. As Christians, we cannot avoid that Christ is the center of history, math, grammar--everything. Christ if Lord of everywhere and everyone, but there is an "antithesis" if you will between those who acknowledge this and those who do not. On which side of the antithesis are the government schools located? Exactly.

So, what does a Christian do? Run for the school board and take over the school system from the inside? Force the school system to adopt an explicitly Christian approach to education? No, this will not do because it would run as afoul of datum (3) above--the Golden Rule. We don't like having to send our children to tax-supported agnostic schools now, so we shouldn't force non-Christians to send their children to tax-supported Christian schools either.

What, then, are we to do? We educate our children in a way that is consistent with the Christian faith by bringing them up in the nurture and admonition of the Lord in an environment where Christ's Lordship is acknowledged. This need not be the home itself. The authority to teach can be delegated by the parents out to someone they trust. (i.e. a private Christian school) But how can we send our children to an officially agnostic institution?

And, meanwhile, we humbly submit to Caesar and continue to pay the taxes that fund the government schools which we are opting out of. So we are for a while anyway going to have to pay double. We pay for our children's education either at home or at a Christian school, and we pay for the "free" education that is forced upon everyone else. This is clearly an injustice, and should be rectified as soon as enough people are persuaded to seeing things our way. But until it is, we give to Caesar what is Caesar's, which means we pay him all the money bearing his image that he demands.

And, again, the way to rectify the situation is not to simply pump the government schools up with a Christian worldview, if this is even possible. The way to rectify it is to stop forcing people to send their children anywhere. No one should have to send their children (and have to pay for the priveledge!) to be educated by an institution with which they fundamentally disagree.

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Coming Soon (Hopefully)

1. The Case Against Government Schools

2. Theonomy and Post-Theonomy

3. Is Libertarianism Really Christian?

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Thursday, January 15, 2004

The Lord of All Arguments

In the comments to my abortion post, Russ said something that prompted me to write a clarification:

"We're getting away from Xon's central point -- that God need not be a factor in the argument."

I need to say something for my own edification here, although Russ (and Charles) can already guess what I am going to say. Truthfully, God is a factor in my argument, because my belief is that God is a factor in everything. More accurately, He is the factor. Without the Christian God, all is meaningless and senseless. The only way we can make sense of the fundamental elements of our experience--reason, morality, emotion, spirituality, etc.--is by presupposing the existence of God.

So really, if God doesn't exist, then my argument falls apart. But so does everyone else's. God is the necessary precondition for arguments.

As a quick illustration: premise (1) of my argument, I said from the very beginning, is relatively uncontroversial. Almost everyone believes that it is immoral to deliberately kill an innocent human being. But, if we are being honest, we realize that there are still a lot of people who challenge that assertion. Morality itself is denied by some. Afterall, on some worldviews, what's the difference between killing an "innocent human being" and shaking up a bottle of Coke? It's just chemical phenomena, matter in motion.

My belief is that only God can truly allow us to justify beliefs like (1), that it is immoral to deliberately kill innocent human beings. (I'm not explaining all the ins and outs of this, I know). Yet, at the same time, many people who do not believe in the Christian God still believe in (1). This is, in short, because they are living off of "borrowed capital" (to use one of Bahnsen's favorite phrases) from the Christian worldview. The Christian worldview makes sense of comprehensive moral claims about the evil of murder, and no worldview can make similar sense of these kinds of claims. But "most" people in our society still make them, because even though they deny God outwardly they still borrow His truths by rational necessity. To be rational, we must assume God exists, even while we argue that He does not.

So, as to this little thread about abortion, we aren't really arguing about abortion. Ultimately, all debates have God at their center. Sometimes people argue deliberately about God's very existence, but more often they argue about some other issue that they may think has nothing to do with God at all. But the reality is that both of the disputants are still relying upon God in making their arguments. Whenever they make any kind of moral or spiritual or rational claim, they presuppose the God of reason and morality. Even more fundamentally, just the fact that they are bothering to argue at all (because what are reason and the arguments that it produces, that we should be mindful of them?) shows that ultimately they are trusting in God (without even realizing it) that the world He made has an order and that this order is in some sense accessible to our human minds.

And so it is here. If I wanted to be really comprehensive in my abortion argument, then I would indeed have to talk about God first. Then we could debate God's purpose for humanity, where that purpose is revealed, and how to interpret that revelation. Then we could talk about how the application of that revelation applies to our daily lives on some partiuclar issue, such as managing your personal finances, or in this case abortion. And, after all of that, my position would be the same, but it would be filled out in much greater detail. This would be a much fuller or vivacious argument for the same conclusion--that abortion is wrong.

But we don't have to always argue in this way. Presuppositionalists don't have to be purists. The truth is that many people accept certain things (like murder being wrong, and the deliberate killing of an innocent human being as a reasonable definition of murder), whether they have a good reason for those beliefs or not. I believe that those beliefs are dependent upon God, but that most people do not recognize this. But nonetheless they still hold those beliefs. Since they do, I can then build an argument upon those beliefs that they do hold--without explicitly bringing God into the discussion at all. Of course, my own belief is that truthfully God is in the discussion. But, you can't debate everything at once. So, on the issue of abortion when I am talking to non-Christians (or to Christians who are not biblically-literate), I will try to craft an argument that only relies upon "common" assumptions between us. Such as the belief that killing innocent human beings on purpose is wrong. From there, I just show that abortion does precisely this, and then we all get to enjoy the fallout.

But make no mistake: God in fact has everything to do with this argument, as He does with all arguments. He is there even when He is not mentioned.

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Friday, January 09, 2004

Fifty Different Countries?

I've been asked this several times in the past, and people of my (con)federalist, decentralist, 'paleocon/lib' persuasion are asked it all the time. Doesn't our view of "states' rights" and limited federal authority imply that there are really just fifty separate little countries? Isn't this the way things would play out, practically speaking, if our take were for some inexplicable reason put back into practice?

First of all, the fact that I am simply not horrified by the question even on its face is probably a sign of how different my view is from the American mainstream today. I think most people really feel the supposed force of this question, and would nod their heads with a concern sympathetic to it. "Yeah, that really does seem to be a crazy road to go down. Fifty little governments, all doing whatever they want? How could government ever solve any of our problems?" Or something to that effect. I, on the other hand, just don't care. I would rather have 'fifty little countries' than one big one, anyay. So, even if my view really does entail this, I wouldn't mind nearly so much as most people seem to think I should.

But really, that's not quite the position here either. The choice between one country/fifty countries is a false dichotomy. The constitutional, republican (little 'r'), libertarian, federalist philosophy is, well, federalist. The United States of America has a certain kind of political structure: a federal one. We are a federation.

Foedus, the Latin word meaning "compact, covenant, agreement," is what gives us our English word "federal" and all its kin. A "federal" government, in its simplest etymological definition, is simply a government that is held together by some kind of covenant or contract. (No, covenants and contracts are not quite the same thing, especially not theologically. But let's forego that discussion here.) Namely, a contract with the people over whom the government rules. Government is with the "consent of the governed," and this "consent" is stronger than simply allowing the people to elect their legislators. Consent means--among other things--that the people have the right to overthrow the entire government itself if it fails to live up to its end of the covenant.

A question arises in connection with this most basic notion of federalism. If government is by some sort of mutual contract/covenant between governor and governed, then who is the chicken and who is the egg? Which came first? The answer should be obvious: it is the governed who pre-exist the governor, humanly speaking. You don't have governments sitting around, doing nothing, and then deciding to "create" some subjects for themselves. On the contrary, it is the subjects who "create" the government. So government is "covenantal" in nature, but the covenant in question is not one between equals. One side, the ruled, are actually the initiators of the covenant, and in fact are the "creators" of the other side (the government).

Why create a government at all? The answer has been that they do so in response to some sort of felt need. There is some particular purpose (or purposes) for which the government is created. The "classical liberal" list of these purposes/needs is three: government exists to protect the life, the liberty, and the property of its subjects. That is all.

(One problem with modern "liberalism," by which I mean any political philosophy that favors particular kinds of 'social justice' and that tends to favor strong central governments as dispensers of that justice, is that it doesn't have any real terms to its social contract. It is like having a contract between governed and government, and both parties signed it, but it doesn't really give the government any job in particular. Which means that it by default gives the government any job it wants. It's long on intent, but short on specifics, and the result is a government that fills in the specifics as it sees fit and a paperweight 'contract' that is powerless to stop it (even if it wanted to). Liberal social contracts have no teeth.)

Okay, so what now should become obvious is that American government is really 'federal' all the way down, not just at what we today think of as the "Federal Level". The Georgia state government also governs only with the consent of the people of Georgia, for instance. But the focus of this little whatever is the relationship between the state and national governments.

As already pointed out above, it is the governed who are primary to the governors. Why? Mostly, because the governed came first. The people-to-be-governed decided to create the government in question. This is always true. I don't mean, of course, that this "decision" is always made in any sort of objective, self-conscious way. I'm not postulating a Lockean/Hobbesian "state of nature," with the peoples of Middle Earth deliberately coming together and agreeing to form a government based on their mutual best interests. But the point is that, however the government actually came to be formed, the ruled still came before the rulers. How can this not be the case? If you look at any government, be it an ancient tribe or contemporary America, there was a time when the civil government in question did not exist, but the people who would later be gathered under its rule did. The governed create the government. The governed are primary.

This reveals the utter absurdity of Lincoln's (and many others') claim that the exact opposite was the case: that the central/national government created the states, and that the states would be nothing without the central/national government. The states are bound together under the federal government, which means that the states are the "governed" in this picture. And so it is the states that are primary.

This is obviously the testimony of history. 13 individual colonies declared their independence from the British Empire in 1776. (Britain had lots of other colonies, but only these 13 declared independence at this time.) These 13 invidual colonies declared themselves to be 13 free and independent states. State=nation=country=whatever-you-want-to-call-it. They then decided voluntarily to get together under the authority of a centralized government in the Articles of Confederation. The powers this government had were laid out in the Articles--these were the only things that the states were allowing the central government to do. On all other matters, the states retained their own sovereignty. After a short while, many clamored for a stronger central government that had more powers, and so the states sent delegates to another Constitutional Convention where they re-formed the central government. But, obviously, the same principle was still in effect--the Constitution laid out exactly what the states consented to allow the central government to do. Beyond these stated powers, the states retained sovereignty.

This is why "club" analogies are so apt when describing the federalist political philosophy. Because clubs are a still-popular example of organizations which 'govern' members on something of a voluntary basis. Clubs are formed by the members themselves. There was no Augusta National Gold Club before there were golfers who wanted to have such a club. Also, clubs offer some particular attraction to their members; they serve some particular purpose. The golfers in the country club want an upscale place to play golf, a place to socialize, a place to rub elbows with certain ranks in the societal heirarchy, etc. By definition, there are also a great number of things that the members are not looking for from the country club (computer science training, for instance). And if the club tried to spend its members money on one of those things, the members would object to such use, and would probably leave the club. As would be their right.

In a club, the members are "sovereign" in all of their own affairs, except those particular things that are under the jurisdiction of the club. And what is under the jurisdiction of the club is clearly laid out (almost always) in the rules or bylaws of the club. And, finally, a club is strictly voluntary--meaning that if a member doesn't like the direction the club takes, he really can take his ball and go home. He would then regain "sovereignty" over those matters that he had previously consented to submit to the club. (Now he can wear whatever shirt he wants out at the public golf course, for instance.)

Crudely put, the central/national/?federal? government of the United States is a "club," and its voluntary members are the states. Likewise, the state governments are all "clubs," and their voluntary members are the people of the states themselves.

Returning again to our specific topic of the state/national relationship, a decentralist like myself isn't necessarily advocating the complete dissolution of the United States. He's just advocating that the U.S. return to being the "big club." The one with the few, specific responsibilities which it is contractually obligated to uphold and which its members actually have the power to hold it to. These responsibilities are actually laid out explicitly in the Constitution, and all other decisions are left up to the members of the 'club.' (i.e. the states). So, in a sense, we already have ?"fifty little countries," because the fifty states should be making most of their governing decisions for themselves anyway. The central government, again, only has the authority to do that which is given to it in the Constitution.

But, yes, the complete dissolution of the "big club" is also a possibility on my view. The states could become "fifty little countries" in an even stronger sense if they left the central government. Then all governing decisions would return to them. Some or all of the fifty members of the club may very well decide to take their ball and go home. And this is at their discretion. Many of the founding fathers, most famously Jefferson, thought a new rebellion every little while was a good thing. I wouldn't go that far, but I do believe that the constant ability to leave the union would be a good thing. Just think: if the national government knew that the fifty states could pack up and leave at any point if they so desired, would it respond with the same amounts of widespread corruption and pointless bureaucracy that we have today? Would it be so quick to pass laws telling the states what it thought they should do? Would it be so bold as to pass laws (like most tariffs) that would only benefit one portion of the country to the exclusion of the other? I highly doubt it.

A government that knows it can (and maybe even should) be "rebelled"* against at any time is a government that fears the ones it rules. It is a government of a truly free society. And this is as it should be. Fifty different countries? Maybe. If the feds don't watch their step.

*. Technically, the word "rebellion" here is a misnomer, since it is the people who are primary and who must give their consent for a government to be legitimate. If a government begins ruling against the people's consent, then it is really the government that is "in rebellion," not the people who want to fix it.

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Thursday, January 01, 2004

Why I Removed A Link

My old link to the League of the South is gone. You probably didn't notice.

The League of the South has been identified as a hate group by the Southern Poverty Law Center (Morriss Dees' own personal financial machine). This is some of the best evidence that I can think of that it is in fact not a hate group. Seriously, the SPLC seems to call anything southern that isn't apologizing for being southern a "hate group." This is absurd.

There is no reasonable connection between the League of the South promoting the Confederate flag and neo-Nazis waving banners with swastikas. Such a comparison is seen to be ludicrous if examined at any level deeper than its surface.

The concern I have is one of emphasis. Our goal as Christians should be the advancement of the Kingdom, not the Old South per se. And this particularly applies, I think, as regards the symbols we hold up. Symbols are unavoidable--all of life is liturgical. But there is no reason why the symbols we hold up now have to be the same symbols that were held up then. Let's not locate the fight for modern culture on the hill of the Confederate Flag.

It is the duty of Christians to proclaim the truth--all of it--in love. If the antebellum South is a part of our Christian heritage--and it is--then this should be admitted openly and without shuffling our feet. And there is also nothing wrong with incorporating the truths from that earlier time into our own time. I'm all in favor of that. There are things that we contemporary Christians need to learn from all of the saints that have gone before us--including Davis, Jackson, Dabney, and Lee. And there is nothing wrong with vindicating these men (and the South in general) against the slanderous charges that are still made against them by our contemporary culture. Speak the truth in love.

But here and now, as we seek reformation of the culture arround us, we have bigger fish to fry than a fight to the death over the particular symbols of the Old South. Symbols which, whatever good we might say of them (and we can say plenty), are also representative of a society that God, in His good providence, saw fit to judge.

Yes, the South was right. But this doesn't mean that the South needs to rise again, or that the Confederate Flag is the litmus test for a culture ripe for reformation.

Back in July, Mark Horne posted this excellent reflection on his own blog, which I just discovered myself today. It's a better summation of my position than I was heading towards when I first sat down to write this post, so here it is:

"By the way, even though I think it is interesting, and do make references to legal precedents that were settled at that time, I'm totally uninterested in the usual internet noise that accompanies references to the Civil War. Thus, no comments for this entry. Say what you want about states rights (and I can say alot), the bottom line is that God hated the South, and the ruling minority regime of slaveholders, enough to crush them militarily. Odds are he was rather upset with the whole nation since the North suffered from the butchery as well. It's over. All involved are now dead. Lets get on with our lives."


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Christ is Lord!

As the calendar flips and time marches on, let us not forget what it is that time is marching towards. We are measuring the kingdom of Christ. Christ has come, and He will come again. His kingdom is forever.

2004, anno domini.

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